When this movie hit the cinemas in the US it was
billed as political satire. But watch it more closely and you will
understand that a lot of it was the actual reflection of how some people use
propaganda to deflect attention from the real issues. This is more possible
for the governments since it can withhold information and mix half truths
and fictions to create false realities. In Pakistan, where the state
controls huge advertising funds and can block much of the information under
the pretext of security, things become worse.
The question the people of Pakistan are asking regarding the brutal
assassination of Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto is, who needed to get Mohtrama
Benazir Bhutto out of the way? The convenient fallback position that
Baitullah Mehsud and Al Qaeda were involved has a number of flaws. If Gen
(retired) Musharraf and his supporters accept this theory, then they are
admitting that, rather than the military operation, democracy is considered
more of a threat by the extremists. After all, democratic rebuilding of
society was ms Bhutto's agenda.
Away from the real issue of the people behind the act, the ruling party is
now picking on the new co-chairman of the Pakistan People's Party, Mr Asif
Ali Zardari. He has been the target of rumours and accusations since the
time he married Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. Interestingly, none of the
accusations and rumours has ever been empirically proved, despite an immense
effort both by the state agencies and rival political parties. In contrast,
a large number of Pakistanis have shown their trust in him by sending him
twice to parliament, although he was in prison. The PPP has continued to
receive the largest number of votes in every election since 1988, barring
that of 1997.
The stories surrounding Mr Zardari fail to mention the battle between the
PPP and state security apparatus that began with the creation of the IJI by
the ISI in 1988. Both governments of the PPP were dismissed as a result of
this covert war, documented by several independent scholars and publicly
owned by former ISI heads. The stories and rumours against Mr. Zardari must
be seen in this context.
Mr Zardari was arrested immediately after the dismissal of Ms Bhutto's first
government in August 1990. Many charges were filed, including the
preposterous and fantastic story of attempted extortion by "tying a bomb" to
someone's leg. In May 1993, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan withdrew all the
charges. Ms Bhutto returned to office after elections in November 1993.
People wrongly say it was Ms Bhutto who dropped the charges.
Mr Zardari was arrested again in November 1997 after the dismissal of Ms
Bhutto's second government. Special government machinery, first called
Ehtesab (Accountability) Cell, then Ehtesab (Accountability) Bureau and,
after the coup of 1999, National Accountability Bureau (NAB) filed 18 cases
against Mr Zardari and Ms Bhutto. None of the cases resulted in a conviction
after eleven years of trials. The few cases that were concluded absolved Mr
Zardari of any wrongdoing.
There was the absolute lie that Mr Zardari was complicit in the tragic
assassination of Mir Murtaza Bhutto in 1996. The charge has never been
proven and the case has not proceeded even after eleven years. As prime
minister Ms Bhutto invited Scotland Yard to help with the investigation. Ms
Bhutto's government was dismissed and the day after the dismissal Scotland
Yard team was sent back to London without completing its report. What could
have been the purpose of stopping the Scotland Yard probe except to keep
allegations against Mr Zardari alive without giving him a definitive
opportunity to clear his name? Ms Bhutto used to call this, "killing a
Bhutto to get another Bhutto." Mr Zardari was under arrest for eight long
years. Why those governments failed to convict him? It was because they
never had proofs about their accusations.
The appointment of Mr Zardari co-chairman of the PPP is not only in light of
the will of Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto but has also been fully endorsed by the
CEC of the PPP, the workers of the party and a lot of supporters around the
country and outside. If his opponents' theory that he derived benefit from
his alleged hijacking of the party is true, then no benefit outweighs the
windfall to Gen Musharraf, who is now telling the US that he is the only
option against extremism. If the benefit theory is correct then Chaudhry
Shujaat must be questioned about Chaudhry Zahoor Illahi's murder. And if a
fellow writer in these august columns may know anyone walking into her house
who can be accused of anything by someone standing outside her gate and not
in knowledge of reality. She may also like to know that Chaudhry Shujaat and
his family were accused of corruption by the NAB and only cleared after
amendment of a few laws. The amended laws ensured that Mr Shujaat and his
family were not asked about the source of money transferred from abroad for
settling bank loans. Immediately after this concession they became darlings
of Gen Musharaf. The Chaudhrys then delivered to Gen Musharaf what they are
known for, a version of Pakistan Muslim League.
It is ironic that most people who are raising question about Mr Zardari
today are those who have been following this agenda to taint the Bhutto name
for the last thirty years.
Contrary to the widespread impression among journalists, the PPP sought the
National Reconciliation Ordinance and demanded the dropping of charges not
because Mr Zardari feared the cases against him. Any criminal lawyer will
tell you that a case that was not successfully prosecuted in eleven years is
unlikely to be proven later when the recollections of witnesses have become
less reliable. The PPP sought reconciliation to bring to an end the trauma
resulting from the venality of politically motivated charges. The dropping
of charges was sought to pave the way for transition to democracy. Shaheed
Benazir Bhutto had always been arguing that political parties needed space
to operate and she was ready to engage with the general only to ensure that.
In hindsight everyone can see that she created space for political activity
and that the process of politics started through her efforts was what had
started to give nightmares to some in the corridors of power.
The argument that the final will of Ms Bhutto should have been shown to the
media and the public is fallacious and a creation of malignant minds. Yes,
she was a public leader revered by a large majority of the people of
Pakistan, and it will be the people of Pakistan who will judge whether her
decision to leave the party to her husband and subsequently to her son was
right or wrong. The people of Pakistan had an opportunity to do that on Jan
8, 2007, but they were denied that. Why? Because the corrupt could unleash a
propaganda war against the mourners of Benazir Bhutto. Because some people
had to raise the parochial and ethnic slogans to ensure that they continue
to deprive people of flour, sugar and electricity. Such is the calibre of
this so-called leadership that the prime ministerial candidate of the party
PML (Q) has not held one public meeting so far outside the province of
Punjab, because he is sure that outside Punjab his political worth is
nothing to write home about.
The people of Pakistan and the PPP voters and workers have seen this game
before and they are ready to counter these moves. Whatever the hate-mongers
may say, the truth is the PPP inherits a very politically conscious worker
and voter and he does not fall for falsehood that continues to be spread
under the tutelage of state minions.